“There’s a difference between peace and liberation, is there not? You can have injustice and have peace. Isn’t it correct? You can have peace and be enslaved. So peace isn’t the answer, liberation is the answer […] that’s the white man’s word, Peace, Liberation is our word […]”[1] – Kwame Ture

The normalization of relations with Israel through the Abraham Accords have simultaneously led to the international recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, reflecting a present and future where colonialism remains unchecked and actively supported.This overall dynamic not only legitimizes occupation for both Israel and Morocco, but also paves the way for major arms manufacturers, intelligence collaborations and technological exchanges, all under the guise of “development,” “technological progress” “security” and “sustainability”. Notably, three of the five signatory countries of the Accords—Israel, Morocco and the UAE—are among the nations that have built, or plan to build, walls, and fences along the entirety of their borders, reflecting a shared securitized, and militarized political model sustained through advanced technology. [2]

In a time when the liberation of occupied people hinges on the global will to pursue justice and reparations, liberation for Palestine could empower liberation for Western Sahara and all other facing occupation. A chain of events leading to a transformative and robust political and legislative system ready to learn how to decolonise, de-escalate and be ready to upfront cooperatively global pollution and security concerns for the sake of a common better present and future.

From Spanish Colonization to Moroccan Occupation

During the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, when European colonizers divided Africa with arbitrary borders, Western Sahara—a territory covering approximately 266,000 square kilometers in Northwest Africa, bordered by Morocco, Mauritania, and the Atlantic Ocean—was designated as a Spanish protectorate. By 1934, it became a Spanish province. Despite United Nations (UN) calls for decolonization and the 1963 designation of Western Sahara as Non-Self-Governing Territory, Spain retained control until 1976. 

On November 19, 1975, the final day of Spanish dictator General Franco’s life[3], a secret treaty known as the “Madrid Accords”, signed between Spain, Morocco and Mauritania, was partially revealed in Spain’s State Gazette. Despite the 16 October 1975 International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion, the Madrid Accords implied an illegal transfer of sovereignty over Western Sahara from Spain to Morocco and Mauritania. Spain agreed to withdraw from Western Sahara by no later than 27 February 1976, renouncing its position as the administering power, and in return, secured certain economic favors. It retained a 35% share of the rich phosphates Bou Craa mine in the occupied el-Hamra region until 2002,[4] as well as preferential access to Western Sahara fisheries. 

On the same date as the Spanish army withdrawal, the Polisario Front – a group formalised in 1973 and recognized by the UN as the legitimate representative of the West Sahara people in 1979 – proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Meanwhile, Morocco and Mauritania began fighting for territorial control. In 1979, Mauritania signed a peace treaty with the Polisario Front, withdrew from occupied Western Sahara, and recognized the SADR. However, Morocco continued its illegal annexation of Western Sahara. 

Fig 1. Annexation of Western Sahara by Morocco (1982/1987) via https://sahara-overland.com/western-sahara/

Between August 1980 and April 1987, six walls of different lengths were built by Morocco. The sixth wall, 2,720km (1,690 miles) long, almost 18 times longer than the Berlin wall (155km), is considered the greatest functional military barrier in the world. The wall is heavily militarized, with a Moroccan military base every 5 kilometres. About four kilometres behind each, there is a mobile rapid intervention force with armored vehicles and tanks. The wall is heavily contaminated with mines making Western Sahara one of the most mined regions in the globe. By 1998, estimates of the number of mines ranged from 200,000 to 10,000,000.[5] As of February 2023, only 24,685 sub-munitions, 8,849 items of Explosive Ordnance (EO) and 7,871 landmines were removed under the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). 

Fig 2. Satellite image of one observation post in the Moroccan berm[6] in occupied western Sahara via Google Earth (28 November 2024)

The berm is protected by bunkers, ditches, trenches, barbed wire, fixed and mobile radars mines, electronic detection systems, up to 10,000,000 mines and over 160,000 soldiers[7]. The construction of the wall is not only illegal, and in occupied territory, but also contributes to desertification while posing threat to any form of life with hidden explosives.[8]

Established in 1991, with the agreement of both Morocco and the Polisario Front, MINURSO was tasked with a referendum, maintaining a ceasefire, and ensuring a peaceful solution to the conflict. However, 33 years later, disputes over voter eligibility, refugee repatriation, and appeals processes have delayed the referendum taking place. In 2020, Moroccan forces broke the 1991 ceasefire, entering the buffer zone in Guerguerat to expel Sahrawi activists blocking the road between the Moroccan-controlled side of Western Sahara and Mauritania. As of 2024, MINURSO reports that the ceasefire has yet to be reestablished, with “intermittent firing” persisting on both sides.

In 2007, Morocco presented an Autonomy Plan to the United Nations, proposing a framework for Western Sahara to operate under the Kingdom of Morocco with autonomous governance and prospects for a possible referendum of self-determination. Normalising relations with Israel has implied support in an already global acceptance wave to the Autonomy plan presented by Morocco. In raw, both mean business opportunities. Global opinion continues to shift in favor of the Moroccan occupation, with no meaningful international response to address the ongoing violations or uphold the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination.

Resource Extraction in Occupied Territory; from Palestine to West Sahara

The similarity between the Israeli and Moroccan occupations is clear, both are maintained by technological advancements while enjoying the complicity of their international partners who profit from occupation. 

Israel has largely used Palestinian land to extract resources or conduct projects of renewable energies. Similarly, Morocco has been active in the extraction of natural resources in occupied West Sahara, from oil to gas explorations[9], to phosphates, agricultural goods and renewable energies. 

As a form of political gaslighting to justify occupation, many European agreements with Morocco have illegally included goods from Western Sahara. However, due to persistent contestation by the Sahrawi people, the EU court has ruled to exclude Western Sahara in a number of deals.[10]

In the case of phosphate mining in occupied Western Sahara, Morocco, through OCP SA, and its subsidiary Phosphates de Boucraa S.A., has been extracting phosphate from the Bou Craa mine since 1975, generating annual revenues estimated between $150 to $655 million.[11] A 2023 report by Western Sahara Resource Watch (WSRW) indicates the nationalities behind the illegal shipments of phosphate that year were the Marshall Islands, Panama, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Liberia, Japan, Netherlands, South Korea, Turkey, United Kingdom and the United States. In March 2022, the vessel Keremcan Orba became the first to transport a relatively small shipment of phosphate rocks from occupied Western Sahara to the Israeli port of Ashdod.

As for offshore oil exploration, Morocco continues to grant licenses to foreign partners in Sahrawi waters without the consent nor bearing the opinion of the Sahrawi people. In 2021 and 2022, two Israeli companies, Ratio Petroleum and NewMed energy,[12] were licensed to research and potentially exploit two separate offshore blocks in the Atlantic ocean just off the Western Sahara coastline. 

Foreign businesses also profit from occupied land without Sahrawi consent. One such example, though neither unique nor isolated, is the opening of the luxurious hotel by Israeli Selina Group in the occupied city of Dakhla.

In 2016, Morocco hosted the 22nd annual conference of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, where it promoted its renewable energy plants, including those in occupied Western Sahara. At that time, 7% of Morocco’s renewable energy came from West Sahara.[13] But the world seemed to look away, while it plundered words of “green”, “transition” and “sustainability”.

Wind farms in occupied Western Sahara are predominantly controlled by Nareva—a company owned by the Moroccan monarchy in partnership with the Spanish firm Siemens Gamesa—highlighting a profound global paradox.These so-called “green” energy projects drive resource competition, contribute to land grabbing, occupation, and forced migration. Which in turn, serve as justification for an increasing demand in technology and arms, ultimately exacerbating pollution and environmental degradation. Current plans to expand two solar farms in occupied Western Sahara and studies for a potential third solar plant further deepen the irony. [14]

The UN has acknowledged 47 member countries and the African Union as entities recognizing the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). However, recognition of the SADR has been inconsistent and influenced by Morocco’s political leverage, which is closely linked to lucrative business opportunities in sectors such as resource extraction, energy, agriculture, defense, and technology.

For example, India recognized the SADR in 1985 and even permitted the opening of a Sahrawi embassy in New Delhi. Yet, in 2000, it withdrew this recognition without explanation. This reversal likely relates to Morocco’s phosphate exploitation, through OCP SA, with India being a major client through its subsidiary, Paradeep.

In 2022, Spain endorsed Morocco’s 2007 Autonomy Plan as the only viable solution to the long-standing conflict. This historic shift was likely due to Morocco’s increasing use of migration[15] as a tool of leverage and the tempting business opportunities in occupied Western Sahara. This is not new for Spain, as it has also supported Israeli renewable energy projects on Palestinian land.[16]

France’s support for Morocco’s claim over Western Sahara seems to be a strategic move aimed at protecting its national interests in the occupied territory while cultivating a favorable relationship with Morocco. France’s relations with Israel shift opportunistically, as Israel’s growing presence in Morocco’s defense sector may affect France’s competitive position. By 2023, Morocco ranked 29th largest arms importer globally, with 69% coming from the US, 14% from France and 11% from Israel.

Implications of U.S. Recognition of Morocco’s Sovereignty Over Western Sahara

Following the US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over West Sahara on 4 December 2020, an estimated 45 countries[17] have since recognized the unilateral annexation of Morocco over West Sahara. All of them coincide in expressing support for the Moroccan 2007 Autonomy Plan; including Bahrain, Jordan, UAE, Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, Israel, France, and Finland (considering the plan “a good basis for a solution”) among them. 

Several countries have also opened diplomatic representations with Morocco in occupied West Sahara, there are 15 consulates in El Hamra region including; Bahrain, Burundi, Central African Republic, United Arab Emirates, and 12 consulates in Ed-Dahab region including; Senegal, Guinea, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde and Zambia. The US has declared the intention of opening a consulate in Dakhla.

Later, on 22 December 2020 in a Joint Declaration Morocco became the third Arab country to normalize relations with Israel, following Bahrain and the UAE, Sudan became the fourth shortly after. 

Since normalization 2020-2021, there has been a steady increase in Israeli arms to the signatories. In 2022, arms purchases from Morocco, Bahrain and UAE accounted for 24% of Israel’s total arms sales. Although, this figure decreased to 3% in 2023, lower than 2021 levels, allegedly due to the ongoing massacre in Palestine. The major arms exporters to Israel in the period 2019 to 2023 were; the US which accounted for 69% of Israel’s imports, Germany for 30% and Italy for 0.9%.[19] If the latest $8 billion in military aid to Israel proposed by Biden passes, the US will have spent an estimated $51.44 billion on weapons and support for Israel’s genocide since October 2023.

As notified by the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs as of April 2024, the United States had $8.545 billion in active government-to-government military sales with Morocco under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) system. Prime contractors included Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, Boeing, General Dynamics and BAE Systems. Notably, the amount in sales to Morocco in 2020 alone, amounts to approximately 85.5% of the overall sales to Morocco from 1950 to 2019.[20]

On 24 November 2021, Morocco and Israel signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for defense cooperation. Read footnote for a comprehensive list of remarkable arms sales between the two countries. [21]

Fig 3. Satellite image of a Heron drone seen in Dakhla airport on occupied Western Sahara in 2018 retrieved from Oryx https://www.oryxspioenkop.com/2021/10/a-rare-bird-iai-heron-in-moroccan.html

Morocco has reportedly used Hermes 900s drones manufactured by Elbit Systems, as well as Heron drones (Machatz 1) produced by IAI and European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company Harfangs, a French modified version of the latter, in occupied Western Sahara. It has been speculated that an unmanned vehicle, possibly piloted alongside Israeli assistance, was responsible for the killing of Addah Al-Bendir, Commander of the National Gendarmerie of Polisario in 2021.[25]

Fig 4. Map tracking Moroccan drone attacks and drone activity via The Intercept 

In June 2023, Elbit Systems declared intentions of opening two factories in Morocco, followed by Bluebird Aero systems plans announced in April 2024 to open a production site. That same month in June 2023, Israeli troops belonging to the elite Golani unit participated in the US led military drill known as the “African Lion”, a 18 country joint military drill celebrated in Morocco.

On 17 July 2023, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sent a letter to Morocco’s King Mohammed VI recognizing Moroccan sovereignty over West Sahara, following the fulfillment of the Negev Summit  (Figure 5) a forum aimed at enhancing cooperation between Egypt, the US and the Abraham Accord signatories.

Fig. 5 From left to right, political figures in 2022 Negev Summit (Sde Boker region in Israel); Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid al-Zayani, Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry, Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan (Retrieved from US Department of State)

The Abraham Accords have accelerated technological, defense, and intelligence transfers between the US, Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco.[26] The accords have prompted the recognition of Israel’s sovereignty alongside Morocco’s claim over Western Sahara, despite the continued occupations and forced displacements of Palestinians and Sahrawis. These agreements directly back land grabbing and occupation while promoting narratives of system change, sustainability and security. The need to overcome current paradoxes and address each and everyone in power, is an urgent necessity. Liberation is not an option, but the steps to any “sustainable” transition.

Footnotes

[1] Kwame Ture, Tell Me Lies, 1968 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mGYQRkS53TU

[2]  Read A walled world report by Centre Delas

[3] The death of General Franco marked the eve of the so-called Spanish Democratic Transition under the dictator’s chosen successor, the current Spanish Bourbon crown, until Spain’s first democratically elected government after dictatorship in 1982

[4] In 2002 Spain sold its 35% ownership of Bou Craa to the Moroccan OCP SA

[5] See page 1004 of the LANDMINE MONITOR REPORT 2000 Toward a Mine-Free World

[6] A berm is a narrow, flat strip of land, often raised, that separates two areas. It can act as a barrier, boundary, or a protective feature

[7] Read https://www.sahrawi-emb-au.com/the-military-wall/ and Landmine Monitor report 2024 

[8] Read https://www.sahrawi-emb-au.com/the-military-wall/ 

[9] Despite the 2002 UN legal opinion stating that Morocco has no right to continue further oil explorations in Western Sahara without the consent and bearing the interest of Sahrawi people

[10] For instance the 2006 Aviation Agreement which was declared invalid in Western Sahara by the EU Court the 30th November 2018. As for the Association agreement between the EU and the Kingdom of Morocco the 1st of March 2000, and the 8th of March 2012; the European Court decided to exclude West Sahara for both on the 21st December 2016. Concerning the Fisheries Partnership Agreement the 15th July 2014 as well as amendments made in 2018; the European Court ruled West Sahara was out of the deal on the 19th July 2018. Notwithstanding prior ECJ rulings, the Council approved a new fishing deal with Morocco in November 2018, the Court annulled the deal in 2021, in turn the Commission and Council presented an appeal which the Court dismissed on the 4th of October 2024

[11] Western Sahara Resource Watch, P for Plunder 2024 report 

[12] In September 2021 then Delek Drilling (now NewMed Energy) sold 22% of its non operated stake in the Tamar gas field  to the Emirati Mubadala Petroleum 

[13] Read  Powering the Plunder – What Morocco and Siemens are hiding at COP22, Marrakech by West Sahara Resource Watch. This calculation includes the cement producer Lafarge and CIMAR

wind farms; though they primarily produce energy for the factory sites where they are located, excess is sold to Morocco’s National Electricity Agency ONEE

[14] Read the Transnational Institute “An unjust transition” report

[15] In mid-April 2021, Spain welcomed Brahim Ghali, the leader of the Polisario Front, for medical treatment in Logroño. In response, Morocco allowed 10,000 migrants to cross the Ceuta border in a single day, at least 2,000 of whom were unaccompanied minors

[16] Read https://novact.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/2b_Greenwashing_Informe_ESP_v3.pdf

[17] Comoros, Eswatini, Malawi, Sao Tome and Príncipe, Togo, Suriname don’t appear on the list of countries provided by USIP recognising the sovereignty of Morocco on West Sahara

[18] Since 2008 it’s a requirement by US law to assure Israel’s “Qualitative Military Edge” 

[19] As for 2024, the US increased its military assistance in Israel, while Germany and Italy maintained ongoing contracts while reduced futures ones

[20] 4.538.590.304 of sales reported in 2020 alone represents a 85,5% approximately of the overall amount from 1950 to 2019 this being 5.306.049.293 (numbers in dollars as reported by the Security Cooperation Agency in the 2022 Yearbook)

[21] After normalisation agreements, Israel, through IAI, sold $22 million worth of exploding Harop drones  to Morocco. Also purchased was the Skylock Dome anti-drone system developed by the Israeli Skylock Systems, a subsidiary of Avnon. In September 2022, Morocco acquired 150 WanderB and ThunderB vertical takeoff and landing drones manufactured by BlueBird Aero Systems, 50% owned by IAI. Morocco complements its airforce in a diversifying strategy with Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones and Chinese Wing Loong drones. During a 2021 visit by Israel’s then-Defense Minister Benny Gantz and a subsequent 2022 visit of IDF Chief Aviv Kochavi, several military deals were signed. These included the sale of Barak MX air and missile defence systems, manufactured by IAI, including Spy X loitering weapon systems, valued at $500 million. According to SIPRI, Morocco’s recent arms purchases include 4 MQ 9B “Sea Guardians”, 3 Gulfstream G550, 162 combat vehicles Abrams M-1 A2 SEP v.3, 3 Sigma frigates and 1 Fremm frigate. From 2014 to 2018, Morocco reportedly invested in advanced Israeli cybersecurity technologies, including a surveillance and spying software called  “Pegasus” developed by the Israeli firm NSO Group. By 2018, Pegasus had been used to spy on 45 different countries’ political activists, journalists and considered dissidents, including; Israel, Bahrain, Morocco and the UAE. Evidence indicates that Pegasus spyware has been used in Morocco since at least 2017

[22] The EADS is subsidiary of Airbus Group

[23] Read Frederico Borsari report for ISPI 

[24] Moroccan and Israeli relations can be traced to the 50s. It must be highlighted the intelligence cooperation between the two countries in the 60s regarding the tracking and execution of Moroccan opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka 

[25] Read reports by Arab Weekly, the New Arab

[26] Sudan is left out in many of the trade transfers mentioned due to its ongoing political instability